# 6. Essays from "Deutsche Wochenschrift"

The Week of February 1-7, 1888

The governments of Germany and Austria decided to take a step which, rare in the history of diplomacy, could also be of unusual significance for the shaping of relations between the major European powers. On the evening of February 3, the "Reichsanzeiger" in Berlin, the "Wiener Abendpost" and the "Pester Amtsblatt" simultaneously published the text of the German-Austrian Alliance Treaty, which was concluded on October 7, 1879. The publication was ordered in order to, as the introduction states, "put an end to the doubts which are being cherished on various sides about the purely defensive intentions of the alliance and which are being exploited for various purposes". Both allied governments were guided by the desire to preserve peace and to ward off disturbances of it as far as possible; they were convinced that the announcement of the contents of their treaty of alliance would dispel any doubt about this. The text of the highly important document, which will be regarded for all time as an outstanding monument in the history of Germany and Austria, must also find its place in the "Deutsche Wochenschrift". It reads verbatim:

> "Whereas Their Majesties the Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary, and the German Emperor, King of Prussia, must consider it their irrefutable monarchical duty to ensure the security of their empires and the tranquillity of their peoples under all circumstances;
> Considering that both monarchs will be able to fulfill this duty more easily and more effectively by firmly holding together both realms, as in the former Confederation;
> Finally, considering that a close union between Austria-Hungary and Germany can threaten no one, but is likely to consolidate the European peace established by the Berlin Stipulations, Their Majesties the Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary, and the Emperor of Germany, by
> They have solemnly promised each other that they will never add to their purely defensive agreement an aggressive tendency in any direction, have resolved to form a league of peace and mutual defense.
> For this purpose, the Most Highs have appointed as your Plenipotentiaries:
> His Majesty the Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary,
> Highest your truly Privy Councilor, Minister of the Imperial Household and of Foreign Affairs, Field Marshal-Lieutenant Julius Count Andrassy of Csik-Szent-Kiraly and Kraszna-Horka, etc., etc.
> His Majesty the German Emperor,
> Highest Your Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Ambassador, Lieutenant-General Prince Henry VII Reuss, etc., etc., who have met in Vienna this day, and after exchanging their powers, which they have found to be good and sufficient, have agreed as follows:
> **Article I**
> Should one of the two Empires be attacked by Russia against the hope and sincere desire of the two High Contracting Parties, the High Contracting Parties are bound to assist each other with the entire military power of their Empires and accordingly to conclude peace only jointly and in agreement.
> **Article II**
> If one of the High Contracting Parties should be attacked by another power, the other High Contracting Party hereby undertakes not only not to assist the attacker against his High Ally, but at least to maintain a benevolent neutral attitude towards the co-contractor.
> If, however, in such a case the attacking power should be supported by Russia, either in the form of active cooperation or by military measures which threaten the attacked power, the obligation of mutual assistance with full military power stipulated in Article I of this treaty shall also come into force immediately in this case, and the warfare of the two high adversaries shall then also become a joint one until the joint conclusion of peace.
> **Article III**
> In accordance with its peaceful character and in order to avoid any misinterpretation, this treaty shall be kept secret by both High Contracting Parties and shall be communicated to a third Power only with the consent of both parties and in accordance with special agreement.
> According to the sentiments expressed by Emperor Alexander at the meeting in Alexandrovo, both High Contracting Parties hope that the armaments of Russia will not in reality prove to be a threat to them, and for this reason have no reason to make any communication at present; Should, however, this hope prove to be erroneous contrary to expectations, the two high adversaries would recognize it as a duty of loyalty to inform Emperor Alexander at least confidentially that they would have to consider an attack on one of them as directed against both of them.
> In witness whereof the plenipotentiaries have signed this treaty with their own hands and affixed their coats of arms.
> Done at Vienna, October 7, 1879
> LS. signed: Andrassy LS. signed: Heinrich VII Reuß

The first impression produced by the publication of this document was everywhere an exciting and serious one, for one could not conceal from oneself that such documents are usually only revealed to the whole world in dangerous times.

In the meantime, the sensational publication was followed by an announcement that almost equaled it in importance. It is the speech that Prince Bismarck gave three days later in the German Reichstag on the occasion of the discussion of the military loan and the defense bill, and which we discuss in the leading place.

It is quite impossible to give in brief an exhaustive picture of the same, which breathed the full freshness of his brilliant mind. It was enough that it did its duty and persuaded all parties in the Reichstag, including the clericals and libertarians, to approve the defense bill en bloc. Bismarck expressed his thanks for this unanimity with the words that the Reichstag had thus given an essential guarantee of peace.

The publication of the treaty of alliance and Bismarck's speech pushed back all interest in other matters. Crispi also described the situation as serious after the publication of the treaty, but no threat had been intended, merely a warning to the peace-disturbing elements. The revelation also came in handy in another respect, for it was precisely at this time that one of France's most respected statesmen, President Floquet, who is described as the only possible prime minister of the future, sought a rapprochement with Russian diplomacy by expressing the wish to enter into more intimate social relations with the Russian ambassador in Paris, Baron Mohrenheim, which was granted with the express permission of the Tsar's government. At the time, Floquet had lost favor with Russia by shouting "Long live Poland!" in front of Tsar Alexander II, and every Russian ambassador was instructed to avoid him in society.

As was to be expected, a motion was soon tabled in the Austrian House of Representatives calling on the government, in agreement with Hungary, to initiate negotiations with the German government which should lead to the approval of the treaty of alliance by the parliaments of the allied empires and to the constitutional incorporation of this treaty into the basic laws of the state. The motion was submitted by Dr. Knotz and the German National Association.

The political material that is otherwise available is pretty much limited to the usual negotiations in the parliaments of Vienna and Berlin. In the German Reichstag, the military bill and the extension of the legislative periods were on the agenda, while in the Austrian House of Representatives it was mainly a sugar tax bill. Deliberations continued diligently on both sides. The Austrian deputies received strong support for their position from the numerous demonstrations organized by the population against Prince Liechtenstein's proposal. And this movement will not come to rest for a long time to come.