11. Essays from "Deutsche Wochenschrift"

The Week of March 7-14, 1888

The whole world is under the impression of Kaiser Wilhelm's passing. It almost seems as if the whole of non-German politics is celebrating until the glorious prince is led to his grave. Even in the Orient, there is no movement on the Bulgarian question; Sofia has wisely given no reply to the Grand Vizier's telegram and, determined to maintain its present position, is awaiting further action by Russia or Turkey. Prince Ferdinand apparently feels completely secure on his throne and can count on the devotion of his people. After the failure of the Ghika project, the Romanian ministerial crisis found its simplest and best solution in the reappointment of Bratianu. In the Italian parliament, Crispi answered an interpellation from the radical side concerning the attitude of the kingdom to the Bulgarian question by saying that Italy, if it did not want to deny its own history, could never allow a people striving for freedom and independence like the Bulgarians to be oppressed by foreign despotism. In France, the latest Boulanger hype - individual districts wanted to elect the radical "savior of democracy" as a deputy - has fizzled out like all previous demonstrations that had Boulanger as their focal point. In Russia, the devaluation of public values and the armament for war continued; there was already half-loud talk of the imminent outbreak of state bankruptcy. The Austrian House of Representatives discussed the Catechist Law, but the general interest throughout Austria, as in the other states, is only focused on the events in Berlin. To squeeze them into the space of a short weekly review is simply impossible and could only detract from the force and solemnity of it. We must therefore refrain from doing so. Only one thing may be mentioned in particular, namely that the serious bereavement affecting Germany has given renewed cause to emphasize the solidarity between the allied Central European empires. This found particular expression in a brief exchange of dispatches between Prince Bismarck and Count Kalnoky. What else can we say? Emperor Wilhelm has died! His great son succeeded him under the name of Frederick IIIL! He has issued a proclamation to his people and at the same time a letter to the Imperial Chancellor containing the principles which the new Emperor and King has laid down for his government policy. These two mighty documents, which form an everlasting monument to history, must not be missing from any journal that wants to serve the German people. And that is why we are publishing them in full, even though our readers are undoubtedly already familiar with them. Such words should be preserved and cherished and read again and again in every German home. They read:

To my people!

The emperor departed from his glorious life. In the much-loved father, whom I mourn, and for whom My royal house mourns with Me in deepest sorrow, Prussia's loyal people lost its glorious king, the German nation the founder of its unification, the resurrected empire the first German emperor! His noble name will remain inseparably linked with all the greatness of the German fatherland, in whose new foundation the enduring labor of Prussia's people and princes has found its finest reward. By raising the Prussian army to the height of its serious profession with never-tiring patriotic care, King Wilhelm laid the sure foundation for the victories of German arms won under his leadership, from which national unification emerged; he thereby secured a position of power for the empire that every German heart had longed for until then, but had hardly dared to hope for.

And what he had won for his people in a fierce, sacrificial struggle, he was destined to consolidate and beneficially promote through the long peace work of arduous years of rule. Resting securely in its own strength, Germany stands respected in the council of nations and desires only to rejoice in the peaceful development of what it has won. That this is so, we owe to Kaiser Wilhelm, his unwavering loyalty to duty, his unceasing activity dedicated solely to the good of the Fatherland, supported by the unwavering devotion to sacrifice demonstrated by the Prussian people and shared by all German tribes. All rights and duties associated with the crown of My House have now passed to Me, and which I am determined to faithfully exercise in the time that may be granted to My government according to God's will.

Pervaded by the greatness of My task, it will be My whole endeavor to continue the work in the sense in which it was founded, to make Germany a haven of peace and to cultivate the welfare of the German land in agreement with the allied governments, as well as with the constitutional organs of the Empire such as Prussia.

I place my unreserved trust in my loyal people, who have stood by my house through centuries of history in both good and difficult times, because I am convinced that on the basis of the inseparable connection between prince and people, which is which, regardless of any change in the life of the state, forms the imperishable heritage of the Hohenzollern dynasty, My crown will always rest just as securely as the prosperity of the country to whose government I am now called, and to which I vow to be a just and, in joy and sorrow, a faithful king.

May God give me his blessing and strength for this work, to which my life is henceforth consecrated.

Berlin, March 12, 1888 Frederick III

My dear Prince!

At the start of My government, I feel the need to address you, the longstanding, much-tried first servant of My Lord Father, who rests in God. You have been the faithful and courageous advisor who has given form to the goals of his policies and ensured their successful implementation. I am, and My House remains, deeply indebted to you. You therefore have a right to know, above all, what are the points of view which should determine the attitude of My Government.

The constitutional and legal systems of the Empire and Prussia must above all be consolidated in the reverence and customs of the nation. The upheavals caused by frequent changes in state institutions and laws must therefore be avoided as far as possible. The promotion of the tasks of the imperial government must leave untouched the best foundations on which the Prussian state has hitherto rested securely. In the Empire, the constitutional rights of all allied governments are to be respected as conscientiously as those of the Imperial Diet; but equal respect for the rights of the Emperor is to be obtained from both. It must be borne in mind that these reciprocal rights are to serve only to elevate the public welfare, which remains the supreme law, and that newly emerging, undoubted national needs must always be fully satisfied. I see the necessary and surest guarantee for the undisturbed promotion of these tasks in the undiminished preservation of the country's military strength, My tried and tested army and the flourishing navy, to which serious obligations have arisen through the acquisition of overseas possessions. Both must be maintained at all times at the level of training and the perfection of the organization which has established their fame and which ensures their continued efficiency.

I am determined to lead the government in the Empire and in Prussia in conscientious observance of the provisions of the Imperial and State Constitutions. These were founded by My ancestors on the throne in wise recognition of the unavoidable needs and difficult tasks to be solved in social and state life and must be respected on all sides in order to be able to exert their power and beneficial effectiveness.

I want the principle of religious toleration, which has been held sacred in My House for centuries, to continue to be a protection for all My subjects, whatever religious community and creed they belong to. Each one of them is equally close to My heart. After all, all of them have equally proven their full devotion in the days of danger.

In accordance with the views of My Imperial Father, I will warmly support all endeavors that are likely to raise the economic prosperity of the various classes of society, to reconcile their conflicting interests and to mitigate unavoidable grievances to the best of my ability, without creating the expectation that it is possible to put an end to all the ills of society through the intervention of the state.

I consider the care given to the education of young people to be closely linked to social issues. If, on the one hand, higher education must be made accessible to ever wider circles, then it must be avoided that serious dangers are created by half-education, that life demands are awakened which the economic forces of the nation cannot satisfy, or that the educational task remains unconsidered through the one-sided pursuit of increased knowledge. Only a generation growing up on the sound foundation of the fear of God in simple morals will possess sufficient power of resistance to overcome the dangers which, in a time of rapid economic movement, arise for the whole through the examples of highly exalted lifestyles of individuals.

It is My will that no opportunity be missed to influence the public service to counter the temptation to disproportionate expenditure. Every proposal for financial reform is assured of My unprejudiced consideration in advance, unless the time-honored thriftiness of Prussia allows the imposition of new burdens to be avoided and previous requirements to be eased.

I consider the self-government granted to larger and smaller associations in the state to be beneficial; on the other hand, I put it to the test whether the right of tax imposition granted to these associations, which is exercised by them without regard to the burden emanating simultaneously from the realm and the state, may not disproportionately burden the individual. In the same way, it will have to be considered whether a simplifying change in the structure of the authorities would not appear permissible, in which the reduction in the number of employees would make it possible to increase their salaries.

If we succeed in maintaining the foundations of state and social life, it will give me particular satisfaction to see the blossoming of German art and science, which is so abundant, develop to its full potential. For the realization of these intentions of mine, I am counting on your devotion, which you have so often demonstrated, and on the support of your proven experience.

May it be granted to me to lead Germany and Prussia to new honors in peaceful development with the unanimous cooperation of the imperial organs, the dedicated activity of the people's representatives and all authorities and through the trusting cooperation of all classes of the population.

Unconcerned about the splendor of glorious deeds, I will be satisfied if one day it can be said of my government that it has been benevolent to my people, useful to my country and a blessing to the empire.

Berlin, March 12, 1888

Your well-wishing Frederick III