From a Fateful Time

GA 64 — 29 October 1914, Berlin

1. Goethe's Spirit in Our Fateful Days and German Culture

For years now, I have been privileged to speak here in this place about questions of spiritual science. It seems right to me to continue the lectures, which have always begun at this time, this winter as well. For how could there not be a need, especially in our fateful times, to delve into matters of spiritual life! Above all, however, it seemed necessary to me to take the immediate starting point of what is now so close to all our hearts in the two introductory lectures, which are to be held today and over eight days. For it seems impossible to me to speak about anything in our time without bearing in mind that the words we speak today must be able to stand up to those who, in the West and the East, are giving their all for what the times demand. Who could say otherwise than that words that are to be worthy of speaking today may be addressed in spirit to those who bleed to death for our cause? And how could we not start from the immediate impressions of the time, since we have experienced something great and powerful, that in a few days the world of souls, the world of hearts, can show a new face! An infinite amount of selflessness, of devotion, of willingness to sacrifice – we saw it flourish in the first days of August, and we are all under the impression of the greatness of the time.

But if I want to start with the genius who is so intimately connected with all that he has given to his people and to humanity, who is so intimately connected with the whole development of Central Europe; if I want to start with Goethe, it is mainly because because, however strange it may sound, I believe that in all the years I have not spoken a word from this place that could not stand up to Goethe's judgment – even if what spiritual science has to say cannot always be literally substantiated with what we know from Goethe. His spirit reigns over us. And what can be justified before the spirit of Goethe is what I mean as spiritual science in our present time.

It is not only what comes out of our lungs, what comes out of our hearts, that speaks to us today; it is also close to our hearts to hear how the facts speak a powerful language. Many today have to sacrifice their lives. Those we hold dear are returning wounded from the West and the East. In these days, the facts speak of the spiritual world. And I know that they speak in the hearts of those who have to leave their physical lives behind on the battlefields. There, what connects us to the lasting, to the eternal, here on this earth, becomes an immediate spiritual reality, with which, above all, those who must physically leave this reality know they are connected. Folklore, the national soul, these become very real concepts; today you can hear it from those who come back or who send reports home from the battlefields. Those of the honored audience who have heard the lectures of recent years here will know that I rarely touch on personal matters. But today the starting point of the personal will be allowed, since basically we are all personally connected in our innermost soul and heart with what is happening and with what shines forth as fruits in our hopes from what is taking place.

In a sense, I experienced what has become an event today in Austria years ago. And when today's events are discussed – after all, all eyes are turning to Austria, from which, as it were, what appears to us to be great and painful in these fateful days has emerged – I may, since personal matters are connected with the general human aspect of these days, start from this – I would say – Austrian experience.

In the 1970s and 1980s of the last century, I was part of a group of people in Austria who saw an ideal shining before them, which, to a certain extent, has been fulfilled in Central Europe in recent days. Even though all those to whom I belonged in Austria at that time may have had a very different idea of the connection between the Austrian and German peoples, the union of the Austrian peoples with the German peoples still lived in numerous hearts at that time as an ideal. And when I, who as a child had absorbed with the sounds of the German language everything that was present in the Austrian Germans in the 1860s in the way of ill will towards Prussia, especially after 1866, and everything connected with it – when I, in the 1870s and I attended the University of Vienna in the 1870s and 1880s, the words of an Austrian German professor first reached my ears. At that time, I was at the center of Austria's intellectual endeavors, and these words gave me and others, as it were, the slogan for the unity of Central Europe's intellectual life. And I may read to you the words that were spoken at the time by a German in Austria to his students:

"The year 1870 brought the development of the German people to a close.

The hope that the remaining thirty years of our century will drive the seeds of intellectual life in Germany to rapid development, even if poetry will initially have to take a back seat, must prompt us to come to terms with the recent past in order to face the immediate present without a backlog of files, so to speak.

We in Austria find ourselves in a peculiar position at this significant turning point.

The free movement of our national life has removed the barrier that separated us from Germany until recently; the elementary school law and the new educational institutions have given us the means to work our way up to a common cultural life with the other Germans. Now, just now, the case has arisen,» – please note: this was written in the immediate aftermath of 1870!

"that we should not participate in a great action of our people. The North has taken the lead in Germany and formed a state from which we are excluded. This could not create a dividing wall in German intellectual life. The roots of this are not political, but cultural and historical. We want to keep an eye on this unbreakable unity of German intellectual life, in which not only western Austria, but even the Germans of Hungary and Transylvania play a decisive role. May mutual love prevail in this intellectual realm on both sides. We in Austria want to go hand in hand with intellectual life in the German Reich and acknowledge and strive to follow where we are ahead; in the German Reich, however, we want our difficult cultural task to be appreciated and honored, and not to be held accountable for the past, which is our destiny, not our fault."

The man who spoke these words, Karl Julius Schröer – no longer among the living – often spoke them to his Austrian students. What inspired him in his innermost being? He himself was a German born in Hungary. What connected him to the entire German intellectual life? It is expressed in one word, which held it together - in the word: Goethe. For this man was completely filled with Goethe's spirit. And Goethe's spirit, it worked like the living bond, but also like the fire that went over from the Germans of Germany to the Germans of Austria, the Germans of Hungary, to all the Germans of Europe.

Now, when speaking of Goethe, one can easily object: To how many souls, to how many hearts within the German people does Goethe speak a living language today? Will there not be many who bleed to death outside for German nature and who do not know much about Goethe?

That is not the point when one speaks of the guiding geniuses of a nation and of humanity. For more than in any other area, the saying “You shall know them by their fruits!” seems true to me here. Central European cultural life, German culture, must be recognized by its fruits – and by its ripest fruit, by Goethe. And Goethe has had such an influence that many Austrians feel German character as their own. The most German of Austrian poets, Robert Hamerling, spoke a word that can be used, so to speak, as a kind of motto for those I have just spoken of, as a meaningful motto; because it was spoken from the soul of many, many during the time of which I have spoken. “Austria is my fatherland,” says Robert Hamerling, ‘but Germany is my motherland!’ And all such words, but above all such sentiments, were spoken under the influence of Goethe, who was active in the German national substance. So here too I may take the personal as a starting point for the universal human.

Goethe became a kind of guiding genius for me. More and more he appeared to me as the genius of Central Europe, who represents not only what one can get to know in Goethe's works, what one can get to know in the abundant messages that we have precisely from Goethe's life; indeed, Goethe did not even appear to me exhaustively in what he himself has presented to us as a living entity, like that of his “Faust”. Rather, Goethe always seemed to me as if, in everything we can know of him from his communications, from his works, from what is already living and working in the culture of Central Europe, indeed in the whole culture of humanity, as if all of this, there is something more comprehensive, something more universal, something that emerges from a magic mountain in the intimate moments of life when we truly engage with Goethe. Like the old Barbarossa himself in a renewed form with the genius of Central Europe – so in Goethe we encounter a being intimately connected with what is to be taken from the German spirit and incorporated into human culture. And the words at the end of Faust seem to go deeper than we can understand today:

All that is transitory
Is but a parable;
The inadequate,
Here it becomes reality;
The indescribable,
Here it is done.

Faust, after a life in which the perpetual striving of Central Europe is so well expressed, ends with his soul merging into the spiritual world. Goethe's way of thinking seemed to me to be a reference to the fact that from Faustian striving, with which man connects, the connection of man with the spiritual world must emerge. And it can appear to one in the following way. One can devote oneself to Goethe, to all the magnificent and great things he has said; one can absorb the tremendous world wisdom of Faust with a devoted heart. But one can also delve more intimately into the way Goethe strove, into the way the secrets of humanity and the world worked, lived and stirred in his soul. One can resolve to strive with him. Then, I believe, the soul will be transported, pointed to the worlds that the spiritual science I am referring to here represents. In my last book, “The Riddles of Philosophy”, the second edition of my “World and Life Views in the Nineteenth Century”, I tried to show how the crowning of Western philosophy can be won from Goethe's spirit. Today I can only briefly touch upon the subject, which I have so often discussed here from this same platform. Let us delve into Goethe's spirit. We find him — and if we delve deeply enough into his way of thinking, it is not one-sided — we find him above all striving to descend deeply into those spheres of nature where the sources flow, where nature and human nature are one. Goethe's mind is such that natural science becomes directly religious life, religious being. Goethe did not delve into nature with understanding and reason alone; rather, his whole heart, his whole soul plunged deeply into the secrets of nature, so that what was a natural secret to him was at the same time an earthly friendship. What the West has always striven for – to rediscover the connection between the human soul and nature, as it existed in Greece and as modern humanity has lost – can be gained through Goethe's way of thinking. All of Goethe's powers strive towards this one goal. His comprehensive imagination guides understanding and reason along the paths by which the human soul penetrates to the sources of existence, where not only external, mechanical knowledge of nature can be found, but also such universal laws as we encounter as the thoughts of the Godhead itself. With his whole soul, Goethe plunges into the depths of being, where science simultaneously becomes religion, into those depths of which Schiller says:

Take the Godhead in your will,
And she descends from her throne in the world.

Thus it is that Goethe was not only a poet, not only an artist, that he became a researcher, a scientist, because he wanted to strive for what the human soul strives for as a whole. And so the most comprehensive and mature nature ever portrayed by a human being appears to us: the Faustian nature, to arise from Goethe's soul, that Faustian nature that stands before external reality with words that have almost become trivial today, but in the face of which one must take the standpoint from which Goethe experienced them. Thus Goethe was able to create the figure in Faust who stands before external reality with the words:

Alas, now have I,
Law and Medicine,
And, alas! also Theology,
Studied thoroughly, with ardent endeavor.
There stand I now, poor fool that I,
And all my wisdom is as before!

But what do we experience in this Faust? — We experience that the soul, which has fallen into doubt about the external world, builds up from its inner being the elements that lead it into universal existence — scientifically, artistically, universally. And then we recognize that it is in this Faustian nature that the spirit of Central Europe lives, above all the spirit of the German people, and we recognize this spirit of the German people particularly when we hear Faust speak the words:

Sublime Spirit, thou gavest me, gave me everything
Why I asked. You did not turn your face to me in vain
in the fire.
You gave me the glorious nature of the kingdom,
the strength to feel and enjoy it. Not
only allowing cold, astonished visitors,

and then the powerful words that penetrate deep into the soul:

Allow me to look into her deep chest
As if into the bosom of a friend.
You lead the line of the living
Before me, and teach me my brothers
In the silent bush, in air and water.
And when the storm roars and creaks in the forest,
The giant spruce toppling neighbor branches And crushing neighboring trunks, And the hill muffled hollow thunders, Then you lead me to the safe cave, show Then myself, and my own chest, Secret deep wonders open up.

One cannot feel these words, cannot penetrate them, without – I would like to say – becoming one with what the German folk soul is, this folk soul that wants to sacrifice itself with its thoughts and feelings, with its fantasy and imagination, on the altar of spiritual life, in order to see the fire rise on this altar, leading up to the spiritual worlds. And when we follow the conclusion of Faust, we cannot but remember that Goethe wanted to tell us through him: Only the path for those who have rejuvenated themselves leads to this ascent into the spiritual worlds, where it can truly become clear to him: “All that is transient is only a parable.” For Faust is presented to us with a double life. We first see him as he is old, and then as he has enjoyed the rejuvenating potion and ascends into the spiritual worlds. In times such as these, one is tempted to see the words as having a very special depth. The German people have often been compared to Hamlet. The words of Hamlet, “To be or not to be,” have often been used to characterize the nature of the German people. Oh, one hears it in the words and in the great confidence that we hear today in everything, this “To be or not to be.” But how? Not in the sense of Hamlet, but in the sense of Faust! In the sense of the certainty that what is as firmly established as the national soul, out of which Faust grew, belongs to that for which “all that is transitory is but a parable”, that is preserved for eternity. And so Faust truly appears to us not as a skeptic, but as a symbol. We follow the German people from the earliest times, of which Tacitus tells us in such a grandiose way, and find it in a Faustian way always rejuvenating – but always knowing the one thing: can we already be “German” now? We cannot be that yet; we will become that in eternal striving! And again we hear the words of Faust:

Who always strives and strives,
We can redeem him;

as well as the others:

Only he deserves freedom and life
who must conquer them daily.

And the German cannot say of himself, “I am a German,” as the Englishman says of himself, “I am an Englishman,” as the Frenchman says, “I am a Frenchman,” as the Italian says, “I am an Italian.” For the members of these nations know what they are when they say that. The German knows that what he has in mind as a “German” is an ideal that is connected to the deepest sources of the spiritual, that one becomes and always will be a German - and never zst. And so the German striving itself always goes up into spiritual worlds - like Faust's striving ultimately rises in his soul from step to step into worlds that Goethe so wonderfully portrayed. Even if in many German hearts little is consciously left of Goethe's portrayal, the power that lived in Goethe lives today in Central Europe. And it is certainly no exaggeration to say that Goethe's genius is fighting in the souls, in the hearts, in the veins of those who stand in the West and in the East. For the humanities scholar, the old Greek myth that the most valuable geniuses of a nation are among the spiritual comrades-in-arms when the fate of that nation is decided becomes reality. For anyone who truly knows Goethe, it is clear that everything that Western culture has produced, everything we can call Western culture, has become a person in Goethe, has become a universal personality, has been reborn in Goethe, so that from now on, anyone who embraces culture must be touched by Goethe's genius. This gives us faith that Goethe's genius reigns over us, especially in our time.

That is how it was for Austrian Germans who heard the word “Goethe” in the midst of the period of those struggles, when the Austrian peoples were not yet allowed to fight alongside their German brothers. That was what also contained the pull that I myself felt towards Germany. And just as a personal note, I would like to mention the deepest satisfaction I was able to feel when I was able to work for six and a half years on the great Weimar Edition, which was to bring Goethe's entire spiritual heritage to mankind. And since that time, it has been my unalterable urge to make progress in grasping Goethe's genius. And here I may refer to a personality whom I have already mentioned from this place, a personality who, in the last third or in the second half of the nineteenth century, fully represented Goethe's spirit in German intellectual life: Herman Grimm. Herman Grimm's lectures on Goethe, which he gave at the University of Berlin in the 1870s, were an event in German intellectual life. I do not want to say that I can support every word in these lectures by Herman Grimm; but more significant than his words was the consciousness that lived in Herman Grimm.

In his very first lecture, he spoke about Goethe's relationship to the intellectual life of Germany in the following way:

"Goethe has influenced the intellectual life of Germany as a mighty natural phenomenon would have influenced the physical. Our coal seams tell of times of tropical warmth when palm trees grew here. Our caves, which are opening up, tell of ice ages when reindeer were native to our country. In enormous periods of time, major upheavals took place on German soil, which in its present state gives the appearance of being eternally unchanging. It is therefore fair to say that Goethe's influence on the intellectual atmosphere of Germany was comparable to the effect of a telluric event that increased our average climatic warmth by so and so many degrees. If something like that happened, a different vegetation, a different way of farming and thus a new basis for our entire existence would occur.

Thus it was natural for Herman Grimm to think in Goethe's spirit. One might say that every word of Herman Grimm can show us how, in Herman Grimm, we can see, as it were, the spiritual representative of Goethe in the second half of the nineteenth century. Goethe's genius itself worked through Herman Grimm. And Herman Grimm was convinced – and this is where Goethe's spirit was truly reflected in him – that hundreds of years would be needed to fully understand and appreciate Goethe's spirit. Therefore, Herman Grimm himself knew that what he had to say about Goethe would have to be revised once this spirit of Goethe's was properly understood. Thus Herman Grimm's description of Goethe also appears to us as an external description. It is a peculiar experience to delve into Herman Grimm's descriptions of Goethe's mind and of Goethe's creations. Germany's social, political and intellectual life is spread out before Herman Grimm, and within it he sees Goethe, how mightily he strides and how, through his genius, he intervenes deeply in Germany's circumstances in the scientific, political and artistic realms. But we see him only from the outside. Herman Grimm was aware of this himself, and he has the feeling that times must come when one must first connect inwardly with Goethe's way, and that there is still an infinity to come from Goethe.

In these fateful days, we may recall Herman Grimm's thoughts when speaking of Goethe's mind. In the introduction to my lecture, I referred to Karl Julius Schröer. One of the words this man spoke will remain unforgettable to me, for when Schröer spoke about Goethe in Vienna, it fell like a spark into my soul. He began a lecture in which he explored what the peculiarity of the German mind is, how German art, German imagination – Goethean art, Goethean imagination – is founded on the deepest truth of being; and one might say: illuminating a wide field in a flash, the Goetheanist Karl Julius Schröer said: the German has an aesthetic conscience! Many questions become matters of conscience for the German out of his Faustian nature. And so even the greatest events he faces – those events of which Goethe says that they are connected with the “great gigantic fate that lifts man up when it crushes man” – become, above all, questions before his conscience. Herman Grimm strove to take this conscience into his soul. That is why he said many things that one would like to repeat in these days, when, in the face of voices from all over the world, in the face of all that is being called to us from everywhere, we want to ask nothing more than conscience: whether we can stand up to it?

What does Goethe's German conscience say to Herman Grimm?

I believe that the words he speaks are significant, words that could become particularly significant in our time:

“The solidarity of the moral convictions of all people is today the church that unites us all. We are seeking more passionately than ever for a visible expression of this community. All truly serious aspirations of the masses have only this one goal. The division of nations no longer exists here. We feel that no national distinction applies to the ethical worldview.”

This could be said in 1895, out of Goethe's spirit, which, like no other, had the quality of lovingly immersing itself in all things human, including all things national.

“We would all sacrifice ourselves for our fatherland,” and here are significant words:

"But we are far from longing for or bringing about the moment when this could happen through war. It is no lie to say that keeping the peace is our most sacred wish. ‘Peace on earth and goodwill towards men’ permeates us.

Anyone who is familiar with the essence of Central Europe knows that these are true words, words that can stand up to what has just been called the “German conscience”! And as a lead-in to what Goethe, the living Goethe, can still become for us, here are the following words of Herman Grimm:

“... As a totality, human beings recognize themselves as subject to an invisible court enthroned in the clouds, before which they consider it a misfortune not to be allowed to exist and whose judicial proceedings they seek to adapt to their inner disputes. It is here that they anxiously seek their right.”

How universally, how lovingly, and with what attention to the universally human does Herman Grimm, speaking from the spirit of Goethe, say in 1895:

“How hard the present-day French are trying to make out that the war they have in mind against Germany is a moral imperative, demanding recognition from other nations, yes, even from the Germans themselves.”

Do we not hear in these words the assurance that lived in Central Europe that it could never have brought about the war for its own sake? But do we not also hear the awareness of facing an ironclad necessity? “We would all sacrifice ourselves for our fatherland; but we are far from longing for or bringing about the moment when this could happen through war.” We know that this is true! And that is why we know that the cause and the ‘fault’ for today's events cannot be found in the people in whom these attitudes lived. But the Goetheans were not blind. They knew that war would come after all. “How today's French are trying to present the war against Germany, which they are planning, as a moral demand, the recognition of which they demand from other nations, even from the Germans themselves!”

Even in Goethe's time, people spoke of Goethe's objective sense, of his loving way of immersing himself in people, but also in things, of connecting with everything with his own soul. An important psychologist of his time, Heinroth, used the word of Goethe's objective way of thinking and looking at things. This concreteness leads precisely to the world view that can be called the “Goethean world view” and which no one can ignore if they want to absorb the culture of modern times. Basically, we have not been far removed from recognizing such things. Has Goethe's way of thinking remained so unknown? I would like to point to words that have been spoken and that can show us how Goethe's way of thinking has not actually remained so unknown – words such as the following:

“Woods' essay was the forerunner of Wolf's even more epoch-making Homeric researches; and the Greek ideals of art and life became for Goethe and Schiller at Weimar what the ideals of primeval song had become for Herder: the instruments on which the German spirit played itself up to a music that was new and yet at the same time, in the deepest sense, its own."

There are also some remarkable words with regard to the French and English:

“The highly favored selection among Descartes' and Newton's compatriots knew the spirit of science unquestioningly; but the passionate urge for knowledge was taught to modern Europe, if at all, primarily by thousands of German researchers...”

”... Imagination, feeling, will, made their claim to be heard beside or above reason, and under their transforming pressure the universe became deeper, wider, and more wonderful. The irrational was recognized as a source of illumination; wisdom was drawn from the child and the flower; science, philosophy, and poetry drew near each other. In England, this revival of the imagination gave birth to noble poetry, but left science and philosophy almost untouched.

One of the keys to understanding the period is the fact that, while in England and France the poetic, philosophical, and scientific movements flowed mostly in separate channels, in Germany they touched and merged completely. Wordsworth sang and Bentham calculated; but Hegel caught the genius of poetry in the net of his logic; and the thought that discovers and explains, and the imagination that produces the new, they worked together in fruitful harmony in the genius of Goethe.

“In Faust at the end of his eventful life, we see the present-day Germany foreshadowed, the Germany of restless, bold volition and action, and we can all the better understand why the great cosmopolitan, in whose eyes state and nationality were subordinate and sometimes harmful ideals, nevertheless claims his unassailable position as the highest poet of the German Empire alongside Bismarck, his creator.”

These are words that show you have some sense of Goethe's way of thinking. These words were spoken in 1912, and where? Are they being spoken somewhere in Germany for the sake of prestige? No! They were spoken in Manchester, by Herford, the Englishman, who is referring to German intellectual life. And they were spoken, as we are told in the preface to the book in which they appeared – a book well worth reading in these fateful days for us! – in order to teach the newspaper people something that might lead to a better understanding of what German genius is. I leave it to everyone to judge, in the light of recent events, how much these newspaper people have learned from it. But there is something else in these lectures. There is a meaningful sentence where Goethe was discussed and the lecture continues immediately:

“No German words are more deeply imbued with the juice of national ethics than those that describe these things: true, thorough, faithful.”

So spoken in Manchester in 1912. We may claim to understand something of what it means to be “true and loyal”; and we may say—especially in view of the place where these words appear—that we have learned something from Goethe! A preface has been printed at the beginning of the book, from which I would also like to share a few words with you. Lord Haldane—you may know the name from the discussions of the last few days—says:

"The source of the stream of (Germany's) intellectual and political life lies in the Reformation. But at the end of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth century, a current unique in world history began to flow in a way that has been as continuous as it has been characteristic since that time. Since the days of ancient Greece, the world has not seen such a spectacle of the closest fusion of the life of the statesman with that of the thinker. The spirit of Germany today is to a high degree practical and materialistic.

Why does Lord Haldane write these words? He also expresses his opinion on this, for he says:

"Only the influence of true knowledge can dispel the clouds of mistrust and free us from the burden of arming ourselves against attacks that in reality none of us has in mind.

Well then! I need add nothing to the light that is thrown on our fateful days from this side. But they give us, so to speak, from the internationality of the German essence, the right to hold to Goethe, to find consolation and hope in Goethe, and also support in Goethe in these fateful days. Above all, and I could refer to many, many things today, we find a saying of Goethe's. Oh, I have often thought of this saying of Goethe's in the last few days and weeks! That shots were fired at the cathedral of Reims – so it was spread throughout the world. I do not believe that I am second to anyone in my admiration for the unique and wonderful cathedral of Reims. I saw it in 1906; I admired it. But I have also seen how this cathedral has become fragile, and it cut me to the heart when I had to say to myself: Not thirty years from now, and it will no longer be able to stand as it does now. But we heard that this cathedral was said to have been shot at – I do not want to investigate the fact – and there was much talk about it. Then I had to remember a Goethean idea, a Goethean feeling. It was from Goethe's spirit that the word was spoken, which can make such a deep impression: What would the countless stars be, what would all heavens be, if they did not ultimately shine into a human eye, if they were not reflected in a human soul and grasped by a human heart? Anyone who understands Goethe's way of thinking knows that there is a higher work of art than all cathedrals, that there is a higher work of art than all the works of art created by human beings, however much he admires them; he knows that there is the divine work of art created by man! And then, however paradoxical it may sound, the following may be said to a people who have been educated in error: if war is a necessity and must be, and shots are fired at the greatest work of art, which is greater than all cathedrals, then one feels — in the Goethean sense — that it is hypocrisy to lament the fact that bullets can also fall on cathedrals!

Once again, because it is connected with current events, let me turn my attention to the country that is being talked about so much today: Austria. But first, I would like to raise a question, because in many respects it depends on the right questions being asked whether the right answers are obtained.

Much is said about the “guilt” for the present war; much is said about the fact that the present war was ignited here or there. But I think one question can be decisive, and it must be important – the question: Who could have prevented this war? That it was bound to happen one day is another question. I am now speaking only of its immediate beginning in our time, and there is no other answer to this question than that: the Russian government alone could have prevented it! That is certain. From everything that is very easy to know, people today can give themselves this answer.

But now back to the “local” starting point. That group of people, of whom I said earlier that the idea of the Germans of Austria joining those of the German Reich shone before them, repeatedly heard a word from Bismarck during the years when what has now become an event was being prepared. It was a word spoken with superior humor, but – I would like to say – one that includes fate. “Autumn crocus” was the term Bismarck used to describe a number of people who did not want to go along with the mission that the Berlin Congress in 1878 had given to the Austrian state in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Why the name Herbstzeitlose? At that time in Austria we had a parliament whose leader was a great and important man. His name was Herbst. Like many others, he saw the English parliamentary system as the highest ideal of political effectiveness. From this parliamentary system, one could derive a great deal. Among other things, the Herbstians derived something that they represented with great virtuosity: that one should not claim Bosnia and Herzegovina for oneself. Bismarck called these people “Herbstzeitlose” (autumn crocus) in reference to their leader, because he saw the task of the time connected with what Austria had to carry out in Bosnia and Herzegovina at that time.

How did that come about?

Russia had at that time continued its efforts to expand its sphere of influence over the Balkan countries. France and England were the main opponents of this endeavor. Today, we must remember who it was that had instructed Austria in relation to Bosnia and Herzegovina at the Congress of Berlin, because only the context of the facts can instill a proper feeling in our hearts. England and its representative at the Congress of Berlin, Lord Salisbury! At that time, England regarded it as a necessity of modern times for Austria to extend its sphere of influence over Bosnia and Herzegovina. And those who were not autumn crocuses, but who at that time claimed to speak the language of modern times – the language of the people of the times, not of autumn crocuses – could not go along with the autumn people in Austria, but had to submit to the modern demand: to extend Austria's sphere of influence to Bosnia and Herzegovina. What happened later is a consequence of what happened then, and it has settled into those people who, one might say, wanted to combine the Austrian spirit with the modern spirit at that time.

Now, there is also a beautiful saying of Goethe's that he spoke when he once commented on one of the oldest rocks on earth, granite. He said that nature, with all its consistency, attracted him again and again because it led him away from the inconsistency of people and their actions. — This dominates Goethe's entire way of thinking: inner consistency. And when this inner consistency in Goethe's style is observed, it gives the soul security and true, genuine goals. One must gradually work one's way up to this consistency if it is to become the consistency in people's actions.

If we now apply Goethe's way of thinking to those who formed their German ideal in Austria, what should they think of the consistency or inconsistency of people when they have to learn that Austria, in its vital question – continuation of what was intended by English policy at the Berlin Congress of 1878 – encounters resistance from the southern Slav elements, thereby provoking Russia – and finds England on Russia's side? What should have happened to please English policy? What it wanted in 1878 – or something else? In history, facts are intimately connected; they continue consistently. And right must be, who is able to base his actions on this consistency! Might the Austrian German now turn to the authors of his mission regarding the southern Slavs, and, taking up Bismarck's word, expand the term “Herbstzeitlose” somewhat? This, too, seems to be Goethe's spirit in our days: the consistency of the events to which we are bound in our own days.

When we turn again to Goethe and to what he was in the depths of his soul, we find that he sought this inner connection between the human soul and the sources of all being relentlessly and portrayed it so vividly and so captivatingly in his “Faust” » so vividly and so thrillingly because he knew that a heavenly, a spiritual and divine element shines in the human soul, and that this heavenly, this spiritual and divine element is greater than what human beings can grasp with their intellect, with their weak reason. That is precisely the Faust problem: to sense God in the soul, the creating, the working, the speaking God in history. — What characterizes Goethe's spirit does not always have to be associated with Goethe's name; but “by their fruits ye shall know them”. I said that it can be applied to the culture of the German people, and the most mature, the most glorious, the most enduring fruit of this culture is Goethe's spirit. But what we see at the root of this culture, what we feel at the root of this culture, we see everywhere that we encounter Germanness, Germanity in its immediacy.

Again, we ask this Germanness, which is also Goethean, in the face of something else that comes up again and again: “Belgium's neutrality was violated by Germany,” we hear over and over again. It is not my job here to discuss military necessities; because anyone who knows the circumstances knows what military necessities are at this moment. But there is another aspect to be considered. Across the Channel we hear: Yes, because you violated Belgium's neutrality, we were morally obliged to start the war with you!

Firstly, I do not want to be one of those people who, when certain facts occur, are often said to have been wise after the event and say that they had known this for a long time. But one may say that those who were concerned with public affairs in this case well knew that this war would come one day, and that England would then be found among Germany's enemies. However things might have come about, they were such that they had to come about. For this reason, one cannot give much credit to England's current moral indignation – although I do not want to talk about the violation of Belgium's neutrality. But I will speak about the moral outrage from Goethe's way of thinking.

Goethe pointed out that when the human soul finds itself at the sources of the eternal, it then also sees the eternal necessities shining within itself. And Schiller, as so often, coined a phrase from Goethe's mindset: “World history is the world court.” Let us assume that an injustice has been done in violating Belgium's neutrality. Who would be the judge? The one who thinks in Goethe's, in Schiller's way of thinking answers: “Now world history!” German history will have to submit to its judgment. But Schiller, in the spirit of Goethe, would never have said: “English politics is the world court!” – Herman Grimm spoke of how close Bismarck was to Goethe. Therefore, in connection with the above, a word of Bismarck may be recalled; for it may be said to be related to what has been said about “world history” and “world judgment”.

It was in 1866 when Bismarck was advised from a high position to punish Austria because it was the only guilty party in the rivalry with Germany. And Bismarck is said to have spoken the words: “We do not have a judicial office to rule, but to pursue German politics; Austria's rivalry against us is no more punishable than ours against Austria.”

I wanted to say this in advance because I believe that it can serve as a basis when the call for England's moral outrage over Germany's violation of Belgium's neutrality is heard. In the spirit of Goethe, we would say to such voices: You do not have a judicial office to rule, but you pursue your policy! And whatever the case may be, it was out of politics and political necessities that what had to be done was done by Germany in Belgium. But if you want to defend Belgium's neutrality, you do it not out of morality but for political reasons. And just as Germany had to deal with Belgium's neutrality at its discretion for political reasons, so you had to deal with that neutrality in your own way for political reasons!

When one hears such talk, one is reminded of the English judgment I have already quoted: “No words in the German language are more saturated with the juice of national ethics than those which denote these things: true, thorough, faithful.” It is true that in war it is states that pursue their policies, not morals. It is only right that in 1914 we should face the consequences of what was undertaken in 1878. Whether it is right to take action against someone for continuing in 1914 what was committed to him in 1878 is a matter for those who speak of the “morality” of their policy.

I did not want to go into what touches on current politics, because, especially in our fateful days, we must remain true to what Bismarck said: that those who have to stay at home should, in a way, remain silent when events speak for themselves out in the field. I also did not want to talk about this or that about Goethe. But I did want to say that, starting from Goethe, something can sound in our hearts and souls when, in the face of such fateful events in the physical world as today's, we feel the necessity to hold as true: that all that is transitory is only a parable, that the inadequate can only be achieved in the spiritual, that the indescribable is done there alone. I know that, especially in these days, for those who are out there in the field, the prospect of the spiritual world was what they needed, what they longed for. And I have heard the assurances that came from those on whom it depends today – the assurances that war speaks a clear language, but a language about the spiritual life, about the reality of the spiritual life. These days one can study the feelings, those feelings: “Wherever I may let my blood flow, wherever I may draw my last breath, I know: my soul is safe in the spiritual life, and reality is what remains behind!” And not only for those who are outside in the East and in the West, but also for those whose fate has determined otherwise, “spiritual grasp of the world” is a great word. Should one not be ashamed, not to be out there in the field, when one feels the difference within oneself: “You are certain that your blood will not flow; only the others are exposed to a difficult and harsh fate?” Should one not be ashamed to belong to the former, when one should not know that the spirit and spiritual bonds are common to all, that those who bleed to death are with us? Even if it cannot be explicitly expressed by everyone who is out in the field, how it lives in him, which has borne its most mature fruits in Germanness — it lives in him at least in his subconscious. And it is true — let it be said again: fellow fighters are not only those who are out on the battlefields, but also the geniuses who have emerged from the people as ripe fruits. And Goethe is one such ripe fruit that the culture of modern times cannot ignore; but certain people still find it difficult not to ignore this culture. And finally, allow me to point out these difficulties that exist and also what is connected with these difficulties in our fateful days.

We turn our gaze to the East, and there too we may say: By their fruits ye shall know them. Let us single out one of the most important Russian intellectuals, who grappled particularly with the intellectual life of the nineteenth century: Alexander Herzen. How is he connected with the intellectual struggle of the time? Let us consider the soul of Herzen, the Russian intellectual. We raise a question: Was he touched by Goethe's spirit? He who is touched by it believes in eternal things, in the future of humanity and human value, in the groundedness of the human in the divine; and when he is victorious, he still believes, with Goethe's Faust, in the rejuvenation of the human being – and from all doubt and from all distress about the misery of existence, hope still flows to him, Faustian hope. Herzen familiarized himself with the intellectual life of Western Europe. John Stuart Mill seemed to him to be one of the most enlightened minds of Western culture. Let us hear what he says about Mill:

"He was not exaggerating when he spoke of the narrowing of the mind, of the energy, of the polished nature, of the constant flattening of life, of the constant exclusion of general human interests from life, of the reduction of the same to the interests of the commercial office and of bourgeois prosperity. Mill speaks openly about the fact that in this way England will become China – and we add: and not only England.

And further, Herzen says:

“Perhaps a crisis will save us from this Chinese wasting away. But where it will come from and how — I don't know, and Mill doesn't know either.”

And now Herzen exclaims:

“Where is that mighty thought, that passionate faith, that ardent hope, which makes the body stronger and the soul more and more ecstatic, which feels neither pain nor privation and walks firmly to the stake?” Look around you! What can uplift the people?"

The Russian intellectual addresses such questions to European culture. What conclusion can be drawn? Well, the answer that the present time gives is the one that those who believed in Goethe have given themselves in their souls. That is why they are so connected with the great events of the time with this soul, with the soul of the heart. And even if those who are Goetheans could never have raised the question, “Where is that mighty thought, that passionate faith, that ardent hope that hardens the body and drives the soul into that ‘convulsive rapture’ that feels neither pain nor privation and walks firmly to the stake?” Even if they could not have asked in this way, they felt that what comes from the sources from which Goethe drew, in a certain sense goes to its death for the culture of modern times! And the answer resounds to us from our fateful events: “Look around you! What can uplift the nations?”

Mereschkowski, another contemporary Russian intellectual, says the following in the book in which he also speaks about Herzen:

"Herzen's last vision of death is Russia as the ‘land of free life’ and the Russian peasant community as the savior of the world. He took his old love for a new faith, but realized, it seems, in the last hour, that this last faith was also an illusion. However, even if faith deceived him, love did not deceive him; there was a certain correct outlook in his love for Russia: not the peasant community, but the Christian community will perhaps become the faith that the young barbarians are to bring to ancient Rome.

Meanwhile, however, he dies – without any faith at all!"

Thus he says from the heart:

“Farewell, corrupt Rome! Farewell, my homeland.” Why this homelessness, when we look eastward, among the best intellectuals? One might say: one can recognize what is still missing in the East from a nakedness that Mereschkowski displays in his last book, “The Advance of the Mob.” On page 25 of this book, he says:

"When Goethe speaks of the French Revolution, he suddenly bends to the earth, as a giant might be crushed and shriveled to a dwarf by an evil spell; from a Hellenic demigod he becomes a German citizen and – if the shadow of the Olympian will have mercy on me – a German philistine, “Herr von Goethe, Geheimer Rat des Herzogs von Weimar und anständiger Sohn des anständigen Frankfurter Krämers.”

We see the nakedness; we see the intellectual who could not get close to Goethe, who wonders: “How did Goethe speak about the French Revolution?” and gives himself the answer: “From a Hellenic demigod He becomes a German citizen and – the shadow of the Olympian be gracious to me – a German philistine, “Herr von Goethe, Privy Councillor to the Duke of Weimar and decent son of the decent Frankfurt shopkeeper.” But this Goethe became the one who conjured up in his “Faust” the greatest revolution that humanity has experienced, the revolution of the human soul on its way to the divine. And the right appreciation of this magical creation is what modern culture must understand if it wants to ignite not unbelief, the “Farewell, my homeland”, but confidence and faith in the divine life in people. What do the intellectuals of the East see in Western culture? Well, in the way described, they bypass the thing by which the West has reached its prime! But just as ancient Greek and ancient Roman culture live in our veins, just as the Christianity of the early centuries has penetrated into our veins, so too will the people of the East one day carry in their veins the cultural heritage that has reached the sun through Goethe's spirit. Man resists most what he must ultimately succumb to, for he hates what must of necessity come upon him. The future of humanity is not determined by what the Russian soul has attained from Byzantinism or what it has received of external culture from the West, but by what of Greek and Roman culture and early Christianity has become the lifeblood of the highest nations of Central Europe. But nothing can be skipped! In Goethe, what is alive in the culture of Central Europe in the way of Greek, Roman and early Christian elements has been resurrected. And in what comes from the East, we still see the childlike resistance, the lack of understanding of what must be taken up by the soul. And we begin to understand – and this is also Goethe's way of thinking – and then to look to the future with knowing confidence and knowing trust when we are asked: Why are we at war with the East? – Mereschkowski also gives us an answer to this when he talks about Chekhov:

“No epochs, no peoples – as if in the midst of eternity there were only the end of the nineteenth century and in the world only Russia. Infinitely sharp-eyed and bright-eared in relation to everything Russian and contemporary, he is almost blind and deaf to what is foreign and past. He saw Russia more clearly than anyone else, but overlooked Europe, overlooked the world” - and we add: the Russian intellectual Mereschkowski overlooked Goetheanism, Goethe's way of thinking!

But what a source of rejuvenation, what a source of hope even in difficult times Goethe is, that becomes very clear when one knows: the West necessarily had to go through an epoch of materialism. Those who are only able to see materialism can despair; but in the midst of materialism, such spirituality arises that can be summarized in Goethe's spirit! Truly, the German has proved it: he takes in with love, with devotion, the Russian spirit. But he must also show understanding for what the Russian spirit is not yet. Strange words—which Gorky says are cruel but true—are those spoken by a Russian intellectual who is not touched by Goethe's spirit. Gorky says:

"Yes, what is he to you, this man? Do you understand? He takes you by the scruff of the neck, crushes you under his nail like a flea! Then you may feel sorry for him! Yes! Then you may reveal all your foolishness to him. He will stretch you on seven racks for your pity, he will wrap your guts around his hand and tear all your veins out of your body, one inch per hour. Oh you... Pity! Pray to God that you may be beaten without any pity, and that's it! ... Pity! Ugh!

Cruel, but true, says Gorky. So speaks he who has yet to wait for what Goethe's spirit has to say.

This spirit of Goethe contains something that is eternal in the face of the ephemeral, the parable of life, something indescribable in every age because it is ever-growing, ever-generating new hopes. And if one speaks in these days of that which reigns as a good genius over Central Europe, which justifies the trust that is so firmly rooted in the souls of Central European humanity, then one may speak of it in Central Europe in such a way that it has become part of the universal blood of humanity in Goethe. And when we look at what lives in the struggling Central Europeans, what lives with them in soul and spirit, what also lives there in their blood, then we may say: it is the spirit of Goethe's spirit, and it will endure as long as Goethe's spirit endures! In these fateful days, we can also find hope and consolation in the words coined by Schlesermacher, which are also rooted in Goethe's spirit. For it is a truth: Schleiermacher coined it out of a Goethean spirit because he knew that Goethe's way of thinking is connected with knowledge and contemplation of the spiritual world, and that what lives in the German people is itself an eternal spiritual reality. Thus one can say, full of consolation and hope in the spirit of Schleiermacher: “There blows like a breath of the Central European spirit, of the Goethe spirit, upon the ranks of those upon whom the spirits look today, because the destiny of mankind is grounded in them.” Thus it whispers in our fateful days, that we may speak it with increased strength and with increased confidence, because we know: the fateful words of Schleiermacher, which are also Goethe's words, live in the hearts of many who are suffering outside, because they are shaped in his spirit:

“Germany still exists, and its invisible strength is undiminished” – and we add: resilient!